Serious Men
Manu Joseph
First Published 2010. Harper Collins
Publishers, India.
I do not see why the book
won 'The Hindu Best Fiction Award, 2010' or the 'American PEN Open
Book Award, 2011', maybe because its competitors were worse. It is a
pretentious, fairly inauthentic, and mostly pointless story about the
goings-on in and around a scientific research institute, called the
Institute of Theory and Research (modelled after TIFR, obviously).
There are two story strands in the novel.
One is about a Tamil
dalit clerk at the Institute, called Ayyan Mani, who is PA to the
Director. When the novel begins, he is in the process of setting up
an elaborate fraud, projecting his 10 year old son as a prodigy, a
child genius, able at that age to talk about the Fibonacci series and
Supernovae. The boy Adi is actually only parroting words and
sentences as tutored by his father. This is however sufficent to
astonish and delight his school teachers. The effect is then enhanced
by a fake 'paid news' item Ayyan places in a local Marathi newspaper,
and by other such tricks. The fraud culminates in Adi being allowed
to write the entrance exam to the Institute, at which, again by the
fraudulent machinations of his father, he scores quite well, in the
top five, much to the disbelief of the brahmin professors at the
Institute. This storyline in the novel is based, as Manu Joseph
himself admits
(http://www.openthemagazine.com/article/voices/the-hilarious-case-of-avatar-tulsi),
on the story of Tathagat Avatar Tulsi. It is also cast as a tale of
Brahmin-Dalit conflict in academia, and, more generally, in the power
structures of Indian society. But, though intense caste conflicts are
perhaps the defining reality in most such organisations, there are
several problems with the narration here. Some of these problems are
mere irritations: Ayyan Mani, Oja and Aditya are more Malayalee
names, than Tamil; his boss is described as a Tamil Brahmin, named
Arvind Acharya – this is more a Kannidiga/UP name, a TamBrahm would
be called Gopalakrishnan or Subramanian or...; Malayalee (Nair, not
Dalit), and Tamil Brahmin (or at least upper caste) clerks are
commonly seen in Mumbai offices – Tamil Dalits almost never; a
clerk in Mumbai, especially one senior enough to be PA to the
Director of TIFR, would not have to live in a chawl designed for
mill-workers – the Institute would have assigned him quarters, or
would pay him enough to buy/rent a small self-contained apartment in
the suburbs; etc. But there are other more serious problems with
this storyline, which indicate that the author has bestowed only
superficially sympathetic attention to the caste conflict. To state
this crudely, he seems to imply that a Dalit could get into the
academic programme of the Institute only by fraud. Not only because
the organisation is structured against them (this made clear in the
novel), but also because Dalits lack the werewithal, the intelligence
and (perhaps) the integrity to get in on academic merits alone. This
latter point is not made explicitly, but Ayyan Mani clearly justifies
his elaborate fraud to himself (and motivates himself to go through
with it) on the grounds that he is a Dalit, pulling the legs (but, he
thinks, only pulling the legs) of an oppressive system run by and for
the Brahmins. His son, he appears to think, is too stupid to
actually learn the necessary Physics and Maths, ever, and by his
prank, Mani sets out to show that his Brahmin bosses are actually
stupid too. They got in simply because they are Brahmins. Maybe the
author want to show, through Ayyan Mani, that there is no such thing
as actually 'knowing Physics and Maths', thus displaying a streak of
anti-intellectualism, or at least imputing it to the Dalit clerk.
This however may be stretching my interpretation of the novel too
far.
The second narrative
thread deals with gender discrimination – again a very distinct
reality in Indian organisations, in Indian research institutions. And
again, it's superficially dealt with here. The protagonist in this
case is a Bengali woman, named Oparna Goshmaulik. I do not know
enough about Bengali social interactions to understand the full
ramifications of this name. However Oparna is described as an
attractive, even sexy, young woman, and the only female member of the
faculty. It is therefore not surprising that she attracts all the
male faculty members, young and old. She falls in love with Arvind
Acharya, who, considering their different positions in the
organisation, must be about 20 years older than her, and who returns
her love only tepidly. This love affair rather undermines the 'gender
discrimination' angle, especially since it is she who goes after him
aggressively, with the subtle implication that she does so in order
to unfairly advance her career.
Manu Joseph thus comes
down on the conservative (actually right-wing) side on both political
issues that he deals with in the book – inverse caste and gender
discrimination are actually the problem now, he appears to say.
When considered shorn of
all pretences to depth and meaning, the novel is reasonably
well-written and readable, but only just so. The cynical tone Manu
Joseph adopts throughout, dissing almost everyone and everything, is
probably meant to make him look 'cool', but ends up being boring. He
has a way with words, and some of his observations on modern Indian
life are neat – 'The country has become a video game', says one of
the characters while driving through Mumbai traffic. But most of his
'nifties', though nice, are meaningless. They do not take the story
forward, but contribute only to the air of superciliousness the
author maintains throughout. Apart from the two main storylines I
describe above, the novel also talks about intra-institute politics
and the jockeying for power and grants. It does this however in a
disappointingly shallow way, and in these situations the writing is
far cry from the likes of John Le Carre who describes such meetings
so well.
I could not like or
identify with any of the characters. From my own experience of these
places, I could however see that Manu Joseph has first hand knowledge
of TIFR and the Mumbai chawls. There are no dissonances here, except
perhaps an exaggeration, following 'Slumdog Millionaire', of the
squalor of the chawls. My experience of these latter however dates
from the sixties when I visited the homes of friends and relatives in
chawls in Matunga (the Shankaralingam Pillai family) and in Chembur
(the home of my classmate Moses). Things are almost certainly worse
now.
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